Hiroshima’s past is one of many reasons to pay a visit

Hello Hugo

Today marks the 72nd anniversary of the Hiroshima bombing.  No doubt living there, you will have learnt a lot about this at school and elsewhere.  This article appeared in The Japan Times on Friday and is a reminder, not that you would need it, that there is a lot on offer there – although you are still a little young for some of the below, I have visited most of the places referred to.  It is a lovely city and whenever I read about it my thoughts inevitably turn to you.

This post is also the 100th one categorised with your name, either alone or with other categories – all my messages to you personally or posts that otherwise relate to you directly; the total number of posts is now approaching 300.

STEPHEN MANSFIELD
Travel
Hiroshima’s past is one of many reasons to pay a visit
by Stephen Mansfield
Special To The Japan Times

Aug 4, 2017

 

The early morning light on this summer day, illuminating the under canopies of trees and sending warm, golden strobes across the oyster cafes over the embankments of the Kyobashi River, is enchanting.
A fan-shaped city divided by seven deltaic waterways, Hiroshima sits on six islands formed by estuarial rivers. It feels large and expansive, but is free of the crowds that fill Tokyo and Osaka. Elegant bridges and river perspectives add notes of grace to this modern city, but its streams of history and collective memory return, invariably, to the morning of Aug. 6, 1945, when a white light lit it up from west to east before plunging it into semi-darkness.

 

It was the world’s first use of nuclear weapons on a civilian population, and the effects have been indelible. Today, the story of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima is well understood, but it wasn’t always so — the full truth of what happened took decades to come out as the U.S. Occupation and government sought to keep a lid on images of the destruction and suffering. Japan, for its part, also took decades to erect a memorial acknowledging the Korean laborers who perished alongside Japanese in Hiroshima. The Koreans, whose experience must count as a double misfortune, did get their memorial in the end, though you will have to seek it out. Sidelined away from the central monuments of the Peace Park, it feels a little like an uncomfortable afterthought.
Visiting the city around this time of year can be intense, especially in the areas connected with its wartime history, but it is well worth your while. Local residents enjoy the open spaces and river views; groups of tourists follow guides, stopping periodically to hear explanations; and people with signs and clipboards are never far away. Causes include everything from pleas for world peace and efforts to project Japan’s pacifist Constitution to protests against the harvesting of human organs in China. It’s tempting to get caught up in this highly politicized vortex and become a victim of the mild delirium that can assail visitors, but don’t worry — people with agendas tend to cluster around Motoyasu Bridge. Those with interest can get involved; for others, it’s good to just keep moving.
You have to steel yourself for a visit to Hiroshima. The travel writer Ethel Mannin visited the city in 1958, bracing herself on one occasion when a doctor passed her an album of photographs of A-bomb injuries.
“Once you have looked without passing out,” she noted, “you can go on looking, for you can only be profoundly shocked in that way once; after that comes only the dull repetition of horror.” Mannin witnessed the living conditions of the very poor, many of them debilitated by radiation sickness in the days before the city’s slow recovery.
She was taken to an area behind the Atomic Bomb Dome, the ruins of the former Industrial Promotion Hall, at the hypocenter of the explosion. Today, the area is set aside for restaurants and bars catering to tourists, and to a pier where visitors embark for cruises along the Motoyasu River. In Mannin’s day, improvised shacks made from scavenged corrugated iron, sacking and splintered wood, occupied the spot. The writer was told that eviction orders had been served on the slum’s residents, but many of them, unable to work full time, were incapable of paying even the lowest rents.
The plight of those exposed to radiation extended well beyond the end of the war and the limits of corporeal suffering. In the decades that followed, discrimination against the hibakusha was remorseless — some healthy families refused to let their offspring marry a sufferer, and some employers denied them work. Many of those with nonvisible injuries, fearing stigmatization, refused to visit hospitals and receive treatment.
You needn’t be of any particular nationality to be affected by the lessons this city has to teach, for its tragedy is fundamentally a human one. That said, life has moved on in Hiroshima, a city with many dimensions. The best approach, perhaps, is to pay your respects early on, and then turn your attention to a city that has become a model of forward-looking prosperity.
My first stop after visiting the Peace Park and Atomic Bomb Museum is always to seek out the grounds of Shukkei-en, a traditional Japanese garden. Its location, close to ground zero, resulted in extensive damage. After painstaking reconstruction, it was opened to the public in 1951. If prewar photos are anything to go by, the restoration appears to be remarkably faithful.
A typical Japanese circuit garden, the site was created in 1620, purportedly by the tea ceremony master Ueda Soko. The name translates as “compressed scenery garden,” an apt description for the series of valley, forest and mountain cameos skillfully integrated into the grounds. Like today, the original garden contained a number of teahouses, stone lanterns and miniaturized scenes to form a cultural digest of sights in China and Japan. Perhaps the strongest Chinese reference is the Takuei Pond, with its many islets, including the clear outline of a turtle and crane island. The water is transected by Koko-kyo bridge, modeled on the causeway at Xi Hu, the West Lake in Hangzhou. A green and bucolic spot, Shukkei-en is more than just a garden: It is a symbol of rebirth and hope.
The original garden was constructed around the same time as Hiroshima Castle and is within walking distance of it. There are only 12 authentic castles remaining in Japan, and this is not one of them. The fortress replica that stands today is skillfully done, however, with three towers and a wide moat shored up with the original masonry. Innovations found in other castle replicas, such as elevators, are mercifully absent. As you climb to the fifth story of the donjon (keep), each floor has historical displays of armor, weaponry, manuscripts and maps, not to mention actors in costume stalking photo opportunities here and there.
It’s a short enough walk from the castle to the Hiroshima Museum of Art, though the city’s straight avenues and boulevards can also be negotiated by tramcar, vehicles that add a touch of old-world urban elegance. If the exhibits of paintings by the likes of Claude Monet, Henri Matisse and Pierre-Auguste Renoir seem removed from the life of the city, the Hiroshima Prefectural Art Museum (to the east of the castle) has a number of works more expressive of the spirit of place, the most conspicuous being the rather harrowing “Holocaust at Hiroshima,” a large painting by Ikuo Hirayama. The artist witnessed the bombing, so we can depend on the authenticity of the scenes it depicts. Among the museum’s more arresting works by foreign artists is the surrealist masterpiece, “Dreams of Venus,” by Salvador Dali. With its signature melting watch the canvas put me in mind of a curious weekend spent in the company of Dali and his wife Gala at their seafront home in the Catalan village of Cadaques, Spain. But that’s another story, another moment in time.
The third venue in the cultural triangle is the Hiroshima City Museum of Contemporary Art, with its fine collection of works from around the world. The grounds of the museum, located at the top of Hijiyama, an incline with commanding views of the city, are peppered with important modern sculptures, including a work by Henry Moore. Hiroshima’s vibrant art scene, restaurants, gardens, parks and cafe life and the undeniably international feeling conferred on it by so many visitors from around the world combine to make it an inspiring model of dynamic recovery.
Inevitably, though, one is drawn back to the oppressive final days of the war and the superheated summer that put Hiroshima, a then little-known port city, forever on the map. I returned on my final night for one last look at the Atomic Bomb Dome. Apparently some local residents had objected to the beautification of the monument with the installation of colored lights for nighttime. The word “magical” may seem inappropriate, but there was a haunting, phantasmagoric quality to the lit girders, torn walls and blackened cavities of the building.
Despite its nocturnal charms, it is advisable to visit Hiroshima in the daytime, when the sunbeams chase away the scorched shadows of the past and one can appreciate the light, passing as it should from east to west.
High-speed shinkansen, local trains and buses all arrive at Hiroshima Station. Hiroshima-Nishi Airport and Hiroshima Airport host flights from Tokyo and other large cities. There are two information booths in Hiroshima Station. To learn more, visit http://www.visithiroshima.net.

Source:  “Hiroshima’s past is one of many reasons to pay a visit”, The Japan Times, 4 August 2017

Japan signed abduction treaty but for ‘left-behind’ parents that doesn’t mean much

Japan signed abduction treaty but for ‘left-behind’ parents that doesn’t mean much

The Washington Post 

James Cook is a Minnesota man in a custody battle with the Japanese mother of his children. (James Cook,/Courtesy of James Cook)
James Cook wants his four children home in Minnesota. His estranged wife, Hitomi Arimitsu, says they want to stay with her in Japan. And so they have been going around in circles through the courts for almost three years.

If child custody battles are messy, expensive affairs when the parents live in the same country, they’re exponentially more so when the parents live in different countries and are fighting over where the children should live and which place should have jurisdiction.

Japan signed The Hague Abduction Convention, the treaty that governs international child abductions, in 2014 but is struggling to put its provisions into effect.

That is where the Cook family is caught.

“For three years of their lives, these kids have not had their dad. Kids need their dad, they need both their parents,” Cook said via Skype from his home in Minnesota. “I can’t describe to you the hell that this has been.”

Cook, who studied Japanese in college, and Arimitsu, a Japanese woman who attended a university in Minnesota, had lived in the United States for almost the whole time they had been together. But three years ago this week, with their marriage on the rocks, Cook agreed that Arimitsu could take their four children to Japan for the summer — with a notarized agreement that she would bring them back.

When that ended, they agreed that Arimitsu and the children would stay on a little longer, while Cook, who had lost his job, looked for work.

By the end of the year, Cook realized his family wasn’t coming back.

In the past two years, the pair has been going through acrimonious court battles in Osaka and in Minnesota, and each has won some and lost some rounds.

As is common in such cases, they have wildly different versions of events and focus on the rounds they’ve won.

Cook says an order in Minnesota last month, which found Arimitsu in contempt of court and upheld two orders from December that she return the four children to their father, should stand. In that case, the judge awarded Cook temporary sole legal and physical custody of the children.

But Arimitsu, through her lawyer Tomoko Kamikawa, said that because the Osaka High Court in February rejected Cook’s request to have the children returned, there is no valid return order under The Hague Convention. Cook has appealed this ruling to Japan’s Supreme Court.

The children do not want to return to the United States, Kamikawa said.

The crux of the problem, Cook and other “left-behind parents,” say, is that Japan — unlike other signatories — has no way of following through on its Hague commitments.

“Enforcement is one of the key problems,” said John Gomez, an American who heads the Kizuna Child-Parent Reunion group in Tokyo and is helping Cook. “Every country has to create implementation legislation to enforce their orders, but Japan basically cannot enforce their orders.”

The legislation that Japan passed to implement The Hague provision forbids the use of force, and stipulates that the children must be retrieved from the premises of the parent who has taken them. The “taking parent” must be present. The enforcement officers are basically bailiffs who are more used to repossessing washing machines than extracting children from emotionally charged situations.

This essentially means that enforcement involves an official at the gate calling for the children to come out, while the taking parent is inside with them.

“All of this was completely predictable,” said Colin Jones, a law professor at Doshisha University in Kyoto and an expert on child custody law in Japan. “Without dealing with enforcement methods, it was just a matter of time until a case like the Cook case happened.”

The U.S. government has expressed misgivings about Japan’s implementation of The Hague convention provisions. “The [State] Department is concerned about Japan’s ability to quickly and consistently enforce return orders,” it said in its 2017 annual report on international child abductions.

But the Japanese government says that it is making good progress.

“It’s been only three years since Japan entered into The Hague Convention,” said Hajime Ueda, director of The Hague Convention Division in the Foreign Ministry. “It takes time because every case is unique. From that point of view, we have been doing quite a good job.”

Eight children involved in five cases have been returned to the United States since Japan signed The Hague Convention, Ueda said.

The convention was a politically charged issue in Japan, with a substantial amount of opposition to signing it, so even becoming a signatory in 2014 was a major achievement. Experts note that it took other signatories some time to change domestic legislation to allow enforcement of The Hague Convention provisions; Germany, for instance, took about five years.

The U.S. Embassy in Tokyo is dealing with about 70 child abduction cases, 42 of them filed since Japan signed the convention, and 10 of those seeking the return of children to the United States.

The other cases just involve access — another thorny issue in Japan, where there is no concept of joint custody.

The prevailing wisdom in Japan says it is upsetting or disruptive for children to continue to see both parents after a marriage breaks down, so one parent — almost always the mother — gets full custody and the other parent usually has two hours’ access to the children each month.

“Visitation is the most problematic thing with Japan. A lot of cases about return orders are actually about access, about the noncustodial parent being able to maintain a relationship with their child,” said Jones of Doshisha University.

According to Gomez’s research, about 3 million children in Japan have lost access to one parent after divorce in the past 20 years – about 150,000 a year.

Children age out of the system at 16, so time is on the taking parent’s side, according to people involved in custody disputes.

And nothing will change for international custody cases until the domestic system that favors sole custody changes, experts say.

This is difficult because Japan has a family registry system, which operates as the foundation for all documentation. A person can be on only one family registry so after a divorce, children are usually removed from their father’s family registry and placed on their mother’s.

“The parent who becomes noncustodial loses all of their parental rights and effectively becomes a stranger to the child,” said Bruce Gherbetti, another “left-behind” parent who is advocating for change through the Kizuna group.

For now, that leaves Cook, who has found work with a medical device company, sitting in Minnesota, having no contact with his children.

“I’m sad we are in this mess and I’m concerned about my children,” he said. “This is the heartbreak of being a ‘left behind.’ ”

An earlier version of this article misspelled the name of Hitomi Arimitsu. The story has been updated.

 

Source:  “Japan signed abduction treaty but for ‘left behind parents’ that doesn’t mean much”, The Washington Post, 16 July 2017

 

UK Foreign Secretary in Japan

Again, and as highlighted by me in the past, there has been a further high level visit by our Foreign Secretary to Japan and despite all the larking about, the issue of international parental child abduction continues to be off the Foreign Office’s agenda despite Japan’s continued failings.  There is hardly a better person in contemporary UK politics to ratchet up awareness of an issue of such importance and, yet again, Foreign Office officials have failed to brief a Foreign Secretary on it:

The Telegraph

From Maybot to robot: Boris Johnson meets face of state-of-the-art technology on visit to Japan

Boris Johnson has worked alongside the Maybot – the rather unflattering nickname given to the Prime Minister – so he seemed completely at ease trying out his oratory skills on a state-of-the-art robot on a diplomatic visit to Japan. The robot, however, looked hard to impress.

The Foreign Secretary touched down on Thursday for top-level cyber security, defence and trade talks.

He stopped for a photo opportunity with a humanoid robot at the Research Institute for Science and Engineering in Tokyo.

Boris Johnson interacted with a robot in Japan
Boris Johnson interacted with a robot in Japan CREDIT: AP PHOTO/EUGENE HOSHIKO, POOL

 He shook hands with the robot, named Wabian2, before striking a series of poses.

The robots he saw were developed to help in disaster situations and with healthcare.

The Foreign Secretary said: “I have come to Japan to build on our historic relationship, which is based on common values, support for democracy, human rights and free and open markets.

AP Photo/Eugene Hoshiko, Pool
CREDIT: AP PHOTO/EUGENE HOSHIKO, POOL

“Japanese companies invest more than £40 billion in the UK and our commercial relationship is stronger than ever. We do great work together on everything from defence and security to education, research and innovation.

“As London Mayor I had the privilege and honour to see up close how dramatically the Olympic and Paralympic Games unified and lifted our great capital, and I am excited for the people of Tokyo that they will soon experience the magic that the Olympics brings.

REUTERS/Eugene Hoshiko
CREDIT: REUTERS/EUGENE HOSHIKO

“I’m proud that our world-leading expertise in staging major events will help to forge an even stronger UK-Japan partnership ahead of the 2020 Olympic Games.”Source:  “From Maybot to robot:  Boris Johnson meets face of state-of-the-art technology on visit to Japan, The Telegraph, 20 July 2017 

When open minds fight closed courts in Japan

Open justice: Lawrence Repeta challenged court restrictions on note-taking and established a precedent studied by Japanese law students today.

| COLIN P.A. JONES
Issues | LAW OF THE LAND
When open minds fight closed courts in Japan
by Colin P.A. Jones
Special To The Japan Times

 

Jul 16, 2017

 

On Nov. 28, 2016, the Nagoya High Court overturned the acquittal of Hiroto Fujii, mayor of the Gifu city of Minokamo, sentencing him to 18 months imprisonment with labor, suspended for three years. Elected in 2013 at the age of 28, he remains Japan’s youngest mayor.
Fujii ran as an independent, defeating an candidate backed by the Liberal Democratic Party who was twice his age. He joined the LDP shortly after winning, but they expelled him the same day he was arrested for allegedly taking bribes from a businessman in connection with the installation of a school water system. It should be disheartening — but not surprising — that the party which rules the country apparently equates being arrested with being guilty.

 

The principal evidence against Fujii was testimony from the businessman who allegedly bribed him. Conveniently for prosecutors, he had already been arrested and convicted for the bribery and an unrelated fraud, a crime that literally involves lying to people. Finding the witness lacking in credibility and his account of sneaking cash to Fujii implausible, the Nagoya District Court acquitted the young mayor.
On appeal by prosecutors, the high court managed to decide that the convicted fraudster was more credible than either the mayor or the witness whose testimony supported his innocence. Not only that, the esteemed high court judges supposedly made this evaluation based solely on the record of the lower court proceedings. They did hear testimony from the fraudster, but this turned out to have been tainted (and thus unusable) because he had inexplicably received a copy of the district court’s decision. This meant he and prosecutors had months to iron out discrepancies before testifying again to the high court, which, supposedly unaffected by this testimony, nonetheless found him credible based just on the record of the lower court proceedings. The high court never bothered to hear testimony from the mayor and his witness before essentially deciding both were lying.
The citizens of Minokamo apparently have a different view; Fujii was re-elected mayor in May. He ran unopposed, so popular despite his conviction that apparently no other parties thought it worth standing opposition candidates. Now on appeal before the Supreme Court, his case offers a cautionary tale for young people who challenge Japan’s wrinkly-faced establishment. It is also a sad reminder of how low one should set expectations of the nation’s criminal justice system. This is not just because of the result at the high court, but because the process started with a judge rubber-stamping a democratically elected sitting mayor’s arrest and prolonged detention, the latter on the farcical grounds that he was a flight risk. In just a few days an astounding 40 percent of Minokamo voters signed a petition calling for him to be released on bail.
Just as with all trials, Fujii’s was about competing narratives — his and the prosecutors’. Judges are supposed to balance the evidence and decide which is true. Yet apart from the testimony and other evidence submitted in the courtroom, at a higher level there is also a separate narrative playing out about whether trials themselves are being conducted fairly. Authoritarian institutions and marketing executives both appreciate that controlling narratives such as these is critical.
Judicial efforts to control the narrative played out in a shocking fashion in Fujii’s case. By law, the judgment of a court in a criminal case must be read to the defendant in open court, though it may take several days from being requested for a formal written judgment to be delivered to the defendant and his lawyers. In high-profile cases, however, courts have a practice of issuing a summary of the judgment to the media so they can report on it immediately.
In Fujii’s case, accredited media were given a 60-page “summary” of the high court’s decision the day it was rendered. At the same time, the same court refused to give Fujii’s counsel the same summary — that was for the media only. The defendant and his lawyers were supposed to wait until the official judgment was ready. This left them (and the government of Minokamo) to field questions from journalists who were better equipped with information about the judgment than they were. Control of information is a source of power — both to criticize and prevent criticism. Japanese courts — like all government institutions — know this very well.
Which brings me to why we should all be sorry to see Lawrence Repeta leaving Japan.

 

Larry is a friend of mine and was, until recently, a law professor at Meiji University. Had you been sitting in the public seats at the Nagoya High Court when it reversed Fujii’s acquittal, you could have pulled out a memo pad and — like Fujii’s lawyers — frantically tried to take notes as the judgment was read out. If you had done so, you would owe a debt of gratitude to Larry Repeta.
When I first observed a Japanese criminal trial, courthouses had signs on the walls saying “Taking notes prohibited.” This didn’t apply to everyone, though: Journalists accredited to the court’s “press club” could do so, but other observers could not. Press clubs are an omnipresent narrative control device in Japan; journos who write anything too critical of the institution can have their accreditation revoked, losing access to precious information. Members of the general public are not subject to this sort of control.
Larry first came to Japan in the early 1980s as a young lawyer and researcher. He encountered the ban on note-taking when trying to observe the trial of a bubble-era stock promoter for tax fraud. Repeated requests to the presiding judge for permission were rejected without explanation. Aided by the Japan Civil Liberties Union, he brought suit on the grounds that the prohibition on note-taking violated the Japanese Constitution’s guarantee of open courts, freedom of expression and equal protection. To a young American-trained lawyer, it seemed so obvious.
As so often seems to be the case in Japanese constitutional litigation, Larry won by losing, with all but one of the Supreme Court’s 15 judges acknowledging that “note-taking by spectators in the courtroom is worth respecting and should not be hindered without due reasons,” although such behavior was nonetheless subject to “restrict(ions) or prohibit(ions) if it interferes even slightly with the administration of the fair and smooth trial proceedings in the courtroom.”
Declining to find any clear constitutional violation (and, in my view, fudging on equal protection by simply declaring it reasonable to give journalists special privileges), the court rejected his appeal while at the same time declaring that permitting note-taking should be the rule rather than the exception. This was driven home when the Supreme Court’s General Secretariat issued a directive to courts throughout the country to permit note-taking by spectators. That the court’s administrators are able to issue edicts to judges about how to conduct trials is one of the lesser-known but vaguely disturbing aspects of Japan’s judicial system.
Nonetheless, Larry’s case wrought change, though not through law but through narrative, by establishing a high-profile negative story about closed courts — Larry embarrassed the judiciary into submission. In this respect it probably helped that he was a conspicuous Westerner, though it would be nice if more Japanese people had been — still are — embarrassed that it took a foreigner to care enough to fight for this right.
Despite the technical result, Larry’s case was regarded as a great victory. It is one of the basic precedents studied by Japanese law students. Thanks to his efforts, research on trial practice and citizen monitoring of judicial behavior is easier, and an entire new genre of nonfiction exists — books based on watching trials, and more recently court-watching bloggers. Larry is rightfully a folk hero among progressives, civil libertarians and others who care about informational justice, a field he has devoted himself to since becoming an academic. He has also published countless articles on Japanese law (including a book chapter for which I was co-author).

 

Retired from his teaching position in Japan, Larry returns to Seattle, where he graduated from law school and once practiced as a lawyer. Before his departure we caught up over beer in Kyoto. Asked to reflect on what had changed in the 35 years since he first started asking questions about Japan’s criminal justice system, his response was: “The saiban’in (lay judge) system has been introduced and there have been some other changes, but the fundamental rules have not changed, and they are the rules of an authoritarian system where the presumption of innocence is denied.”
The defendant in the trial where he had tried to take notes was ultimately acquitted of the principal charge yet ended up being detained for over two years during the course of a trial that lasted four. Prolonged deprivations of freedom regardless of guilt or innocence remain a foundation of the criminal justice system.
We discussed the case of Okinawan anti-base activist Hiroji Yamashiro, recently released on bail after five months’ pre-trial detention for relatively minor charges. I asked about right-wing criticism about Yamashiro’s activities being too unruly and aggressive. Larry’s response was: “Without civil disobedience in America, where would African-Americans be today?” This may seem very American, but all too often in Japan the expectation — unspoken requirement — that people be polite and obedient can be the opening for all sorts of rights-infringement scenarios, whether involving government use of land or questioning by police.
In any case, at Yamashiro’s trial people will be able to watch, take notes and debate their own evaluations of the evidence against him. For that, thank you again, Larry Repeta.
Colin P.A. Jones is a professor at Doshisha Law School in Kyoto. The views expressed are those of the author alone. Send your comments and story ideas to community@japantimes.co.jp.

Source:  “When open minds fight closed courts in Japan”, Colin Jones in The Japan Times, 16 July 2017

Senate confirms Hagerty as new U.S. ambassador to Japan

The Japan Times

 / 

Senate confirms Hagerty as new U.S. ambassador to Japan

AP, KYODO, JIJI

The Senate has confirmed Tennessee businessman William Hagerty as President Donald Trump’s ambassador to Japan.

Senators voted 86-12 Thursday to approve Hagerty’s nomination.

Hagerty, 57, is expected to take up the post in August, according to a source familiar with Japan-U.S. relations.

He will serve in Tokyo at a time when the security environment in the Asia-Pacific region has become increasingly severe amid China’s military buildup and territorial ambitions in the East and South China seas, as well as North Korea’s development of ballistic missiles that could strike as far as the United States.

In light of Trump’s calls for “fair” trade, Hagerty, who served as a key member of the Trump transition team, is expected to call for greater market access for U.S. products in Japan as part of an effort to reduce the U.S. trade deficit with the country.

“We sincerely welcome the confirmation,” Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga told a news conference, pointing out that Trump has great trust in Hagerty.

“We hope to strengthen bilateral ties to ensure that the Japan-U.S. alliance, which is a cornerstone for Japan’s foreign and security policies, is unwavering,” the top government spokesman said.

State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert also welcomed the Senate vote, saying, “We’re looking forward to having him join Japan as our next U.S. ambassador.”

“He spent a good deal of time over there. I know he’s steeped in the issues,” Nauert told a news briefing.

In a Senate confirmation hearing on May 18, Hagerty reaffirmed Washington’s “ironclad” commitment to its alliance with Tokyo, calling it “the cornerstone of regional peace and security” and “a platform for global cooperation.”

The ambassador-in-waiting underlined the United States’ “unwavering” commitment to the defense of the Senkaku Islands, a group of islets administered by Japan but also claimed by China and Taiwan, in accordance with the Japan-U.S. security treaty.

Hagerty stressed the need for close coordination with Japan and trilaterally with South Korea in pressing North Korea “to abandon its unlawful nuclear, ballistic missile and proliferation programs.”

On the economic front, Hagerty pledged to help increase U.S. exports to Japan in areas such as agriculture, defense and manufacturing including automobiles.

He added that U.S. exports of energy such as liquid natural gas to Japan could significantly cut into the trade deficit.

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee gave its OK to Hagerty last month after he satisfied Democrats that he had no role in the screening of Michael Flynn, Trump’s former national security adviser.

Flynn is a central figure in special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into contacts between the Trump campaign and Russia. Congressional committees also are examining Moscow’s election meddling.

Hagerty was director of presidential appointments for Trump’s transition team. But he told Democrats he focused on Cabinet picks and not White House staff aides.

Hagerty is a founder and managing director of Hagerty Peterson & Co., a private equity investment firm in Nashville, Tennessee.

Hagerty built ties with Japan through a three-year posting to Tokyo from the late 1980s to early 1990s while working for the Boston Consulting Group, and in his work as commissioner of economic development for Tennessee from 2011 to 2015.

Meanwhile, Joseph Young, who has served as director for Japanese affairs at the State Department, is also slated to arrive in Japan next month to assume the post of deputy chief of mission at the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo.

Source:  “Senate confirms Hagerty as new US ambassador to Japan”, The Japan Times, 14 July 2017